Here’s an opinion article that appeared on page 11 of the June 16 print edition of The Canberra Times, by Des Moore, director of the Institute for Private Enterprise.
Below it is my rebuttal, sent as a Letter to the Editor. Unfortunately The Canberra Times doesn’t put all its content online yet, so I can’t just link to the original article. Here it is in full:
Politics in debate on climate change
The visit by Family First Senator Fielding to New York to attend the third conference on climate change by the Heartland Institute, and to speak to White House staff with whom he left graphs and tables, has attracted much attention.
Given the importance of his vote on the Government’s legislation to control emissions of carbon dioxide, he was invited on to the ABC’s Insiders program last Sunday.
In this interview Fielding was asked why he did not accept “the conclusion of the United Nations panel, representing thousands of scientists [who had] studied the issue for years, and concluded that man-made carbon emissions are the major cause of global warming”.
Fielding gave two responses.
He indicated, first, that he was told that in the States “there’s thousands of scientists that have a different view”.
And, second, he said that he had been presented with “information that showed that over the last decade or so carbon emissions have been going up, but global temperature hasn’t”.
Fielding has exposed the Government’s failure to hold an independent inquiry into the science used in Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reports. Although those reports were based on contributions from about 800 scientists, that does not make them indisputable.
There is a long history of similar claims of climatic change/environmental threats by scientists that have turned out to be totally false.
As Fielding said, there are moreover many expert scientists (and others) who reject the IPCC science but have been ignored by the Government and, overseas, by the United Nations too.
The Senator could also have added that an examination of the history of temperature changes indicates that, over the 158 years for which instrumental records have been kept in Britain, there were 117 years years in which the global average temperature was either stable or falling and only 41 years in which it was increasing.
That is, it is not simply the last decade in which temperatures failed to increase.
That also happened during the industrialisation period from 1850-1920 and again from 1940 to 1976.
Yet the thesis that humanity faces the threat of dangerously rising temperatures is based on the view that increasing temperatures will occur in line with increases in emissions of greenhouse gases.
But such emissions did increase over the whole of this period.
So why didn’t temperatures also rise at the same time?
It is impossible to have any confidence in the need for a policy of reducing emissions on the basis of this analysis.
Some believers in the IPCC analysis provide possible explanations of the failure of temperatures to increase over the period since industrialisation started.
They suggest this may reflect influences that interrupted the forces of radiation, such as aerosols in the sky blocking the rays.
But such explanations do not stand up once it is realised that temperatures were also higher than now in the Medieval Warm period (from about 800-1100 AD) and the Greco-Roman Warm Period (250 to 0 BC).
These earlier warm periods were, in fact, recognised by the IPCC in its first and second reports but were omitted in the third report because of the prominence given to another thesis.
However, when that thesis was proved incorrect, and dropped from the next IPCC report, the earlier warming periods were not restored.
These and other changes in the science used by the IPCC reinforce Senator Fielding’s case for an independent inquiry.
They also highlight the fact that the IPCC reports are not pure science: political beliefs have influenced their conclusions too.
Des Moore is director of the Institute for Private Enterprise.
I sent this response as a Letter to the Editor:
Des Moore (“Politics in debate on climate change”, 16 June, p11) tries to perform a public service by recycling, but ends up doing us a disservice: the arguments he’s recycling have been comprehensively debunked over and over.
The big polluters, and their proxies, continue to trot out this stuff as part of a general media strategy to generate a false sense of doubt and uncertainty over climate science. The tobacco lobby played exactly the same game, internally using the slogan “Doubt is our product”. Holocaust deniers and anti-evolutionists have used similar tactics, as a desperate measure when they have no sound scientific arguments left.
Moore quotes Senator Fielding as saying that “over the last decade or so” carbon emissions have been going up, but global temperature hasn’t. This is based on the widely repeated myth that “the earth has been cooling since 1998” – an extraordinarily hot year due to the strongest El Niño in a century. If you pick this spike as a starting point, and carefully limit the data, you can produce a graph that appearsto show cooling. However, if you start at, say, 1997 or 1999 instead, it shows unmistakeable warming. This is called “cherry picking” of the data. Climate is all about longer term trends, and there’s been a warming trend since around 1920. It has accelerated since around 1970, and over the last decade the long term trend is still definitely one of warming.
Moore then says that during the periods 1850-1920 and 1940-1976 emissions rose but temperatures didn’t. He acknowledges just one of the reasons for this – high levels of sulphate aerosols in the atmosphere – and then, nonsensically, claims that this explanation somehow fails because there were some warm periods hundreds of years ago. In reality, CO2 has only become the dominant factor in warming since around 1970. Before this its effects were reduced by other factors such as variations in solar intensity, volcanic eruptions and sulphate aerosol pollution.
He then goes on to attempt to undermine the IPCC’s scientific credibility because earlier warm periods changed in the way they were presented in IPCC reports, ignoring the real explanation: as more and more source data relating to temperatures in these times was being published, as new data and improved analysis were being incorporated into the science, the summary information about these periods changed accordingly.
Moore finishes off by claiming that politics has influenced IPCC conclusions, and that they are not pure science. In a way this is true, but not in the way he intends. The IPCC has a decision-making system based on full consensus, meaning that recalcitrant parties like the US, Saudi Arabia and others were able to have the scientific summaries in the IPCC reports reduced to the most conservative and scientifically unassailable versions possible. The science has moved on substantially since the last IPCC report: it’s now becoming clear that the safety limit for CO2 is probably closer to 350 parts per million, rather than the 450 or 550 that was considered reasonable earlier. Given that we are already at 387ppm, we need to be aiming for net negative emissions as soon as possible. That means much more robust and meaningful action than the currently proposed, and completely inadequate, Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme.
Matt Andrews, Aranda